By James G. Hollandsworth Jr.
In the summertime of 1866 racial tensions ran excessive in Louisiana as a constitutional conference thought of disenfranchising former Confederates and enfranchising blacks. On July 30, a procession of black suffrage supporters driven via an indignant throng of antagonistic whites. phrases have been exchanged, pictures rang out, and inside mins a insurrection erupted with unrestrained fury. whilst it used to be over, not less than forty-eight men—an vast majority of them black—lay lifeless and greater than 200 have been wounded. In An Absolute bloodbath, James G. Hollandsworth, Jr., examines the occasions surrounding the disagreement and gives a compelling examine the racial tinderbox that was once the post-Civil conflict South.
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Extra info for An Absolute Massacre: The New Orleans Race Riot of July 30, 1866
Most New Orleanians dismissed the convention as a "mere sham" (HSCR, 221). For an analysis of the convention's many fiscal improprieties, see Vandal, "New Orleans Riot," 48-52. 20 No Better Constitution only to those parts of the country still in rebellion, Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation had not freed slaves in areas of Louisiana that were occupied by Union troops at the time it went into effect. Thus slave owners in New Orleans and southeastern Louisiana who could prove their loyalty were entitled to keep their slaves.
5. New Orleans Daily Picayune, February 28, 1865; New Orleans Era, March 8, 10, October 11, 1864. The legislature also considered two bills granting limited suffrage for blacks, but they were soundly defeated despite Governor Harm's support (Vandal, "New Orleans Riot," 60). Hahn submitted his resignation on February 27, effective March 3, 1864. Wells was born in 1808 (Tunnell, Crucible of Reconstruction, 22). 29 An Absolute Massacre Wells had a curious political history. Both the gradualists and the Radicals had nominated him in 1864 for lieutenant governor, and he had beaten his conservative opponent easily.
Although friends urged Durant to run as a delegate, the independent lawyer decided to continue his boycott of anything that had to do with Nathaniel P. Banks. Banks "is now about to declare how many members shall be elected to a constitutional convention, what shall be the basis of representation, and what the details of the election [will be]," Durant wrote Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. S. 38 Once again, free blacks in New Orleans had beaten Durant to the punch. Eight days after Banks issued his proclamation calling for elections, free men of color had held another mass meeting to select two delegates to represent their interests in Washington.