By Mark Hendrickson
As soon as considered as a different period characterised by means of excessive bigotry, nostalgia for less complicated occasions, and a revulsion opposed to lively executive, the Nineteen Twenties were rediscovered via historians in contemporary many years as a time whilst Herbert Hoover and his allies labored to noticeably reform monetary coverage. In American exertions and fiscal Citizenship, Mark Hendrickson either augments and amends this view through learning the origins and improvement of recent period coverage services and data. Policy-oriented social scientists in govt, exchange union, educational, and nonprofit organizations confirmed how equipment for attaining good financial development via elevated productiveness may well either defang the scary company cycle and defuse the development of antagonistic category relatives that Gilded Age depressions had helped to set as an American procedure of business relatives. associated through rising associations similar to the Social technological know-how learn Council, the nationwide city League, and the Women's Bureau, social investigators attacked rampant sexual and racial discrimination, frequently justified through mistaken organic arguments, that denied lady and minority staff complete monetary citizenship within the office and the polity. those students confirmed that those practices not just constrained productiveness and undercut accelerated intake, but additionally belied the claims for equity that needs to buttress coverage visions in a democracy.
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Extra resources for American Labor and Economic Citizenship: New Capitalism from World War I to the Great Depression
In the era of Adkins, the Supreme Court had found that the state had little constitutional power to intervene in the contractual relationship between private individuals and entities. Such relationships were best governed, the Supreme Court argued, by market forces and individual decisions regarding how best to value time and labor. Building on a case made by progressives of an earlier generation, advocates for women and racial minorities embraced a more statist formulation of the relationship between the state and the protection of liberties.
During this time, Ogburn worked actively in labor reform circles, but with growing discomfort. He increasingly became concerned, according to Ross, that his activism cast the university in “disfavor” and that he was working on issues about which he had no particular expertise. ”43 There is no reason to doubt Ross’s characterization of this transition in the professional life of Ogburn or the many others for whom Ogburn’s experiences are representative. But the investigations and activism described in the second half of this book suggest the presence of a whole range of social scientists who, unlike Ogburn, saw empiricism as a path rather than an alternative to social action.
Chapter 4 explores how the move from proprietary to corporate capitalism posed a possibly intractable problem for these sorts of experiments by fundamentally altering the relationships among stockholders, managers, and employees. Mary van Kleeck and other RSF investigators came to recognize the importance of individual managers in the development of progressive labor relations strategies in the 1920s and looked with great concern on the rise to power of anonymous stockholders. The last three chapters describe, in part, a research network that emerged among a cadre of experts and institutions concerned with the status of black, Mexican, and women workers.